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 From New Scientist Archive (Special on Human Nature).
It 's a brave person who dares to tackle a concept quite so deeply
charged as motherhood. But Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, emeritus professor of
anthropology at the University of California, Davis, found herself
with no choice. The old, weak, vision of mothers as passive and
dependent just didn 't fit with what she was seeing on the savannah
and in the forests. There she witnessed a deadly battle between male
and female primates, each armed with complex strategies and very
different agendas. Re-examining the way that males and females
interact led Hrdy to challenge the way we understand mothers, as she
explained in her book Mother Nature.
How have our views of primate behaviour changed over the past few
decades?
Right from the beginning, many people made the implicit patriarchal
assumption that the world ran in accordance with Victorian ideals,
with sexually ardent males in pursuit of coy females. So once
scientists began to look at primate behaviour from female as well as
male perspectives, this led to a real transformation. Some have read
feminist politics into the transformation, but as I see it, if
selection pressures on half the species were ignored, and then
subsequently taken into account, this simply means better science
being done.
For once we realised how much individual variation exists, we looked
for sources of variation in female as well as male reproductive
success, and that led fieldworkers to theorise about the strategies
females engage in to increase their reproductive success and
inclusive fitness. This sets off a chain reaction once we give
females strategies, then in order to understand males we also need
to know how males respond to female strategies, and then in turn to
consider female counter-strategies to male counter-strategies.
Was it your work on infanticide in langurs that set you thinking
this way?
Infanticide is a classic paradigm for evolutionary interactions
between the sexes. The langur monkeys I studied in India live in
breeding groups with a single male, and every 27 months on average
you would have males from an all-male band come in from outside and
take over the troop. When that happens, one of the usurpers would
attempt to eliminate offspring sired by his predecessor.
Essentially, they were eliminating the last mate choice the mother
made, and also increasing their own probability of breeding with her
because a bereaved mother will resume ovulating sooner than she
would have done if she had continued to lactate.
You see this happening, and you think, how are females responding?
Females in that situation have a range of options, none of them
terribly good. Among them is mating with a range of males to confuse
paternity. Males then have to counter their counter-strategies.
Today, evolutionary theorists like William Rice at the University of
California, Santa Cruz, use the term "sexually antagonistic
co-evolution" to describe this kind of dynamic process.
The idea of those counter-strategies will be a real shock to many
people, especially the notion that females might benefit from having
quite a lot of partners who feel that they may or may not be the
father.
When I published The Woman That Never Evolved, I expanded the
argument that females might try to mate with a number of males to
confuse paternity, and that this might apply in humans as well. The
idea was not well received. For example, Don Symons, who wrote the
key work The Evolution of Human Sexuality, said in an essay called
"Another woman that never existed" that this simply could not have
been part of our evolutionary heritage. His reasoning was that a
human female needs investment from a husband to provide for her and
help her raise her extremely costly infant.
Of course I agree that human females need a lot of help, but I
envision mothers as resourceful opportunists who elicit help from a
range of different parties. Many aspects of women 's personalities
are about just this eliciting support. But Symons was assuming that
that kind of help was only going to come from a husband certain of
his paternity, otherwise, he believed, no male would invest. As far
as I was concerned, this was just another patriarchal presumption.
For by then I already knew that so long as care is not too costly
and exclusive, males help rear even infants who are not their own.
In baboons, for example, females mate with a number of males, and
males they have mated with will look out for that female 's
offspring. New data from Robert Seyfarth and Dorothy Cheney 's field
site at Mikumi in South Africa indicates that 41 per cent of all
infants born there are killed by males, but these killers are males
the mother did not mate with. Ryne Palombit 's "play-back"
experiments from that population reveal that when a strange male is
harassing infants, some resident males respond to maternal calls for
help if the plea comes from a female they have mated with. Certainty
of paternity then is not the sine qua non for "paternal" assistance.
What about humans?
Studies of hunter-gatherers suggest that meat brought in by male
hunters is shared among the group rather than channelled to their
mates or offspring. Kristen Hawkes at the University of Utah has
proposed that men share in order to enhance prestige which in turn
by appealing to women improves their love life. Along similar lines,
Polly Wiessner also of the University of Utah, who studied the !Kung
of Botswana and foragers in New Guinea, thinks that hunters are
sharing meat in order to influence the political composition of the
group, since kin and others helpful for rearing their offspring tend
to cluster around successful hunters.
I agree, and believe that such sharing is integral to a species that
evolved (as I believe humans did) as a cooperative breeder. The
motives of these hunters are very different from those assumed by
Irv DeVore of Harvard University and the late Sherwood Washburn,
when they laid out their "man the hunter" model. Like Darwin, they
assumed that fathers hunted to provide for their highly dependent
offspring, and that the men who were the smartest and the most
capable with tools were the best hunters who provided for their
infants better. And they thought that 's how humans evolved really
big brains and so forth. It all depended on a one-man woman waiting
for her mate to bring food back. It 's an inherently appealing
paradigm that just will not go away, even as the evidence for it is
dismantled.
So are humans also busily confusing paternity?
Some are, some aren 't. I often see claims on the back of books
about evolutionary psychology that 10 per cent of human offspring
are sired by someone other than the husband. But that kind of global
statistic is misleading. That high proportion applies in some
populations, say inner cities where mothers are pursuing a strategy
of mating with a number of males because job opportunities for men
are awful and no one man in that community can reliably support her
offspring. High rates of misattributed paternity are also found in
Amazonian societies like the Canela or the Ache, where men who go
off hunting or fishing may or may not come back with anything to
eat. Or else, a woman 's husband might die, or decamp. Under such
circumstances, mothers cannot afford to have just one mate.
Fortunately for children in those societies, mothers often have more
than one, and use strategies of what I call "polyandrous
motherhood". Here mothers line up multiple "possible fathers" and
sequential "fathers", facilitated by a widely accepted folk belief
in "partible paternity". Every man a woman had sex with in the 10 or
so months preceding a birth is considered a progenitor, who is
expected to provide both the pregnant women and her progeny with
protein-rich gifts.
What exactly is this partible paternity?
The Ache, Canela, Bari, Yanamamo people from different language
groups from a vast Amazonian area believe that fetuses are built up
over time, like the lustre on pearls, by repeated applications of
semen. According to anthropologist Kim Hill of the University of New
Mexico, the Ache have different words to refer to "the man who put
it in", "the one who mixed it" and so forth, and men who provide
either sex or meat to the mother are considered to have contributed
to the creation of a child.
All these "godfathers" are expected to help provide for the child.
And as Penn State anthropologist Steve Beckerman has shown for the
Bari of Venezuela, a husband plus one secondary father correlate
with the best chances of offspring survival. This is why a Canela
woman who suspects she is pregnant will try to seduce the group 's
best hunters and fishermen. I like to imagine some white-haired
grandmother dreaming up this story. It 's so obviously beneficial to
the survival of her grandchildren.
How common is this?
More common than I had realised before starting to research Mother
Nature. It was really eye-opening, and I am now starting to
catalogue cases of polyandrous motherhood The pattern crops up not
just in much of lowland South America, but if we are talking about
informal polyandry (rather than institutionalised polyandrous
marriage), it is very widespread.(...)
(...)
Given all this dubious fatherhood, our ancestresses were going to
need a wide range of helpers to help rear their young. Who fits the
bill?
I am increasingly convinced that in contrast to other apes, humans
evolved as co-operative breeders. It takes about 13 million
kilocalories to rear a human infant from birth through to
nutritional independence, and hunter-gatherer women don 't peak in
their skill at gathering food until they are quite old. Mothers
needed help from allomothers group members other than the mother. I
agree with Kristen Hawkes that grandmothers were important for
raising children. After all, post-reproductive females are an
especially dedicated, skilled, motivated type of allomother. But I
also think other group members aunts, older siblings, brothers and
former lovers helped at various points in the child 's long period
of dependency. In the last few years, empirical support has
accumulated to the point that we can say that when group members
other than the mother and father are on hand to help provide for
offspring, survival rates zoom up.
(...)

June 2003.
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